The Growing Resistance Movement in Bulgaria

The June Uprising in Berlin

In 1953, during the June Uprising in Berlin, Bulgarian State Security reports showed that the resistance movement in Bulgaria was becoming more organized. The uprising in Berlin, where workers protested against harsh conditions, sparked a wave of resistance across Eastern Europe, including in Bulgaria. By this time, the resistance was no longer just a few individuals but had evolved into group activities. Reports from the authorities indicated that 75% of all events classified as “hostile and counter-revolutionary” in Bulgaria were the work of groups, while only 25% involved individual actions Istanbul Day Trips.

Workers’ Resistance in Bulgaria

One of the most significant instances of resistance came from workers. In the 1940s, in Plovdiv, the cigarette-making factory became a hotbed of resistance activities. The factory’s workers took part in various forms of protest, including strikes and clandestine actions against the regime. The events in Berlin and other parts of Eastern Europe helped inspire the workers in Bulgaria to take a more active stance against the communist government.

The factory in Plovdiv, like other industries in Bulgaria, had become a symbol of state control. The workers’ dissatisfaction with poor working conditions and low wages led to increased tensions, which eventually boiled over into organized resistance. Many of the resistance activities in the factory were coordinated through underground networks, and workers used every opportunity to communicate their dissatisfaction, even in the face of constant surveillance.

The Role of the Gorjani Movement

The Gorjani were an important part of the Bulgarian resistance movement. One of their key activities was the distribution of leaflets that condemned the communist regime. In the summer of 1953, they issued a leaflet about the events in Berlin, calling the demonstrations there “another expression of the struggle of mankind against tyranny.” The leaflet spread throughout Bulgaria, fueling anti-communist sentiment. It also highlighted the growing spirit of resistance against communist oppression in East Germany and beyond.

These leaflets emphasized that the people of East Germany were rising against the “People’s Democratic Republic,” showing that resistance was alive and growing in Eastern Europe. This movement was not just about economic hardships but also about political freedom and the desire to live under a government that respected human rights.

Crossing the Border A Dangerous Escape

For many Bulgarians, one of the most dangerous forms of resistance was trying to cross the border into the free world. The Bulgarian borders were heavily guarded, and the communist regime made it clear that anyone trying to escape would face severe punishment. Those who managed to cross were labeled as “traitors of the motherland” and sentenced without trial. Their families would suffer severe consequences, including social and professional restrictions.

On 28 August 1952, the Presidium of the National Assembly passed a decree, Decree No. 359, which allowed border guards to shoot anyone attempting to cross the border. As a result, many tried to escape, only to lose their lives in the process. The bodies of those who died attempting to flee were buried in unmarked graves, as the regime insisted that “enemies of the people” had no right to a proper burial.

In the early years of the communist regime, many opposition members were executed under the pretext of attempting to flee the country illegally. The Southern and Western Bulgarian borders became marked by anonymous graves, representing the tragic end of many lives lost in their desperate fight for freedom.

The years following the rise of the communist regime in Bulgaria were marked by increasing resistance, both organized and individual. The workers’ protests in Plovdiv, the actions of groups like the Gorjani, and the dangerous attempts to escape across the border were all parts of the larger struggle for freedom. Despite the harsh repression and brutal punishments, the spirit of resistance remained strong, inspiring future generations to continue fighting for their rights and freedom.

From Social Demands to Political Uprising

Bloodshed During the Workers’ Strike in Plovdiv (4 May 1953)

The Beginning of the Uprising

On the evening of 3 May 1953, workers from the former “Tomasivan” tobacco factory in Plovdiv began a revolt. These night shift workers threw out the factory guards, shut down the factory, and barricaded themselves inside one of the largest tobacco warehouses, called “Ivan Karadzhov.” The next morning, on 4 May, the militia (police) surrounded the warehouse and locked the doors from the outside. The situation escalated when workers from two other warehouses—“Stefan Karadzhiev” and “Georgi Ivanov”—mostly women, also stopped working in solidarity Istanbul Day Trips.

The Strikes Spread

The workers in the Ivan Karadzhov warehouse managed to break down the doors and drive away the militia guards. The strikers from all three warehouses came together in the factory courtyard for an improvised rally. As the protest grew, more workers who were not on shift joined the crowd. Soon, the number of protesters reached several thousand people, according to eyewitnesses.

The workers were demanding the government restore the working conditions they had before the nationalization of the factory. They wanted to return to the better conditions they had before the factory was taken over by the government. The crowd grew in size as citizens from outside the factory also joined in.

Government Response

The situation caught the attention of high-ranking party officials, including the Interior Minister Anton Yugov, who arrived from Sofia. The minister attempted to speak with the workers, but they threw stones at him, forcing him to withdraw. In response, the militia received orders to open fire on the crowd.

The Bloodshed

As the militia began shooting, several protesters were killed on the spot. Among those who died were two women. Fifty others were wounded, and hundreds more were arrested. Kiril Dzhavezov, the leader of the strikers, was caught near the railway station and shot dead. The exact number of people killed remains unclear, as the government imposed a strict media ban and censored any reports or comments about the event.

A Broader Uprising

The Plovdiv strike was part of a larger wave of protests that began in 1953. The first spark of the uprising flared up in Stalinalee, in the Eastern sector of Berlin. Increased quotas for construction workers caused their revolt. This initial protest was soon joined by workers from other industries and ordinary citizens. On 15 June 1953, around 80 workers began a protest parade under the slogan “We demand reduced quotas.” This parade quickly grew as more workers joined in. The protesters marched toward the trade union house, but it was locked. They then moved toward the government buildings.

By lunchtime, thousands of protesters, including workers, union members, and citizens, gathered in front of the building. While their demands for better working conditions continued, they also raised political slogans, such as “Down with the government” and “Free elections.” This protest marked the beginning of larger political demands that would spread across Eastern Europe.

The 4 May 1953 strike in Plovdiv was a tragic event that highlighted the growing unrest among workers in Eastern Europe. It started as a demand for better working conditions but escalated into a political uprising as citizens and workers sought more freedom from the oppressive communist government. The violence that followed, with several deaths and arrests, reflected the harsh measures the government was willing to take to maintain control. The strike in Plovdiv and the events in Berlin in June 1953 were part of a larger pattern of dissatisfaction and unrest in communist countries during the early 1950s.

The Lovech Labour Camp The Camp of Death

The Establishment and Conditions at Lovech Labour Camp

The Lovech Labour Camp, often referred to as “The Camp of Death,” was established in 1959 in Bulgaria. It became notorious for its brutal conditions. The first group of 166 prisoners was transferred from the Belene Labour Camp to Lovech, where they were forced to work at a nearby stone quarry. The prisoners, including intellectuals and artists, were subjected to inhumane working conditions. They were forced to meet impossible labour quotas, and many were beaten to death in sadistic ways. Others died from torture, exhaustion, or systematic thrashing.

The camp became infamous for its harsh and cruel treatment of prisoners. The prisoners’ suffering was so intense that Lovech earned its reputation as a “death camp.” It was not just a place of forced labour, but a place where people faced constant fear of brutality and death Istanbul Day Trips.

The Role of General Mircho Spassov

In 1990, after the fall of the communist regime, General Mircho Spassov, who was once involved in the creation of the Lovech Labour Camp, confessed to the Prosecutor in the Labour Camps’ Case No. 4. He stated:

“We, members of the Politburo of the Central Committee and our Ministry, vigorously copied the Soviet comrades’ methods and drew from their experience. In 1959, I was the youngest Deputy Minister of the Ministry of the Interior and was assigned to set up the camp in Lovech.”

His admission showed that the Lovech Labour Camp was not an isolated incident but part of a larger system of repression inspired by the Soviet regime.

The Skravena Labour Camp

In the summer of 1961, a group of 300 women from the Lovech Labour Camp were transferred to another camp in Skravena, a town in the Botevgrad region. The women were subjected to the same harsh conditions as the men in Lovech. This move further illustrated the widespread nature of Bulgaria’s forced labour system during the communist era.

The Legacy of Political Prisoners in Communist Bulgaria

Alongside the labour camps, there were 22 jails across Bulgaria that also held political prisoners until the fall of the communist regime in 1989. These jails, much like the labour camps, were places of punishment for anyone who opposed the communist government.

Despite the suffering of these prisoners, no one was held accountable for the deaths, torture, and abuses that occurred in these camps. After the fall of the communist regime, those responsible for the camps were never punished.

The Case of Nadia Dunkin

One of the key witnesses of the labour camps’ atrocities was actress Nadia Dunkin, who had herself been a prisoner in one of the camps. Just before she was scheduled to testify in court about the horrors she had witnessed, she was found dead in her home. Her death remained suspicious, and the case was eventually closed in 2002 due to limitations.

Statistics of Prisoners Sentenced for Counter-Revolutionary Activities

By July 1956, there were thousands of people imprisoned for counter-revolutionary activities. The following table shows the breakdown of prisoners by social status:

Social Status Number of People % of All Sentenced

Poor and middle-class peasants 1,168 42.58%

Tradesmen 370 13.49%

Workers 357 13.01%

State employees 349 12.72%

Freelancers 175 6.38%

Kulaks 120 3.37%

Members of Collective Farms 100 3.65%

Students 67 2.44%

Unemployed 37 1.35%

Total 2,743 100%

These statistics show the widespread nature of political repression and the diverse social backgrounds of those who were imprisoned for their opposition to the government.

Political Prisoners with the Longest Sentences

Some of the political prisoners who served the longest sentences include:

Vasil Uzunov – 28 years

Ilija Minev – 27 years

Vasil Zlatarov – 20 years

These individuals were among the many who endured harsh treatment in the prisons and labour camps.

The Lovech Labour Camp and the broader system of political repression in communist Bulgaria were part of a widespread effort by the regime to silence and punish anyone who opposed its rule. The brutality faced by prisoners in these camps, including forced labour, torture, and execution, is a dark chapter in Bulgaria’s history. Unfortunately, many of those responsible for these crimes were never held accountable. The legacy of these camps continues to haunt the memories of the survivors and their families.

The Labour Camp System in Bulgaria

Overview of Labour Camps

After the establishment of the communist regime in Bulgaria in 1944, the country set up a system of labour camps to imprison political opponents, perceived enemies, and people seen as a threat to the regime. According to Peter Gogov, the chief of the Lovech Labour Camp, there were about 44 labour camps in Bulgaria between 1945 and 1962. However, other sources suggest that there were as many as 83 labour camps in total, spread across different locations, and operating for varying lengths of time during this period.

Some Notable Labour Camps in Bulgaria

Zeleni Dol (Blagoevgrad Region)

This was the first labour camp in Bulgaria after the communist takeover. It was established in September 1944, following the demand of the Soviet occupational forces. The camp housed 203 people, including German citizens and German women married to Bulgarians. The camp operated until December 1945 Istanbul Day Trips.

Sveti Vratch Station (Sandanski)

A labour camp was set up in January 1945 near the town of Sandanski. The camp held political prisoners and other people considered undesirable by the regime.

Kutziyan Mine (Pernik Region)

This camp operated from October 1945 until the end of 1949. It primarily housed counter-revolutionary Russians. In 1948, it also became the location for many supporters of Nikola Petkov’s Agrarian Party, which was seen as a political threat to the government.

“Black Sea” Mine (Bourgas)

Located near Bourgas, this camp was in operation from January to April 1945. It was another location used to imprison those deemed enemies of the state.

Bogdanov Dol (Pernik Region)

Operating from spring 1945 until 1951, this camp was situated in the Pernik region and was used to imprison individuals seen as a threat to the regime.

“Tolbukhin” Ore Mine

This was another mining camp, used during the period to imprison political prisoners and others opposing the regime.

Nikolaevo Mine (Stara Zagora Region)

This camp operated from 1948 until July 1949 in the Stara Zagora region. It was used to house various prisoners, particularly those seen as enemies of the communist government.

“Rositza” Dam

Located near a dam, this camp was active from October 1946 to 1948. It housed political prisoners and other undesirable elements.

Nozharevo (Silistra Region)

This camp operated from mid-1947 until mid-1952 in the Silistra region. It was used to imprison a wide range of political prisoners.

Boyana Village (Tutrakan Region)

A women’s camp was set up at Boyana village at the beginning of 1947. This camp was used to house women who were considered to be enemies of the state.

Veliko Tarnovo (Outskirts)

A women’s camp was also set up on the outskirts of Veliko Tarnovo in 1947, aimed at imprisoning women accused of anti-government activities.

Bosna Camp (Tutrakan Region)

Set up in 1947, this camp was located in the Tutrakan region, used for political opponents and others the regime wanted to suppress.

Boshuliya Camp (Pazardjik Region)

Operating from 1945 until 1949, the Boshuliya camp was another site for imprisoning political prisoners.

Belene (Danube River Islands)

Belene became one of the most infamous camps. It was established in April 1949 by a Council of Ministers’ decree. Located on several Danube river islands, it housed political opponents of the Communist Party. The first year saw 800 prisoners interned, and by 1953, the number had risen to 1,917 prisoners. They faced sentences ranging from 6 months to 7 years. The camp was closed temporarily from 5 September to 5 November 1956.

The establishment of these labour camps was a key part of the Bulgarian government’s strategy to suppress political dissent and maintain control over the population. Many of these camps were used to imprison individuals for simply opposing the Communist regime or for their perceived political views. The Belene camp, in particular, became a symbol of the oppressive nature of the communist government, with thousands of people suffering under brutal conditions. The legacy of these camps is a reminder of the harsh realities of life under communist rule in Bulgaria.

Dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in NATO

During the years of détente, when tensions between East and West started to ease, representatives from the Eastern bloc consistently raised the issue of emigrant companies within NATO. These representatives insisted that these groups be dissolved. As part of the negotiations, the Bulgarian National Company, which had been formed by Bulgarian political emigrants and was part of NATO, was officially dissolved on June 3, 1964.

The Role of Emigrant Companies in NATO

The Bulgarian National Company was a group of emigrants who had fled Bulgaria during the communist regime. These emigrants had joined NATO forces in the hope of fighting against the spread of communism. They had been part of the larger resistance movement to overthrow the oppressive government in Bulgaria. However, as the political situation in Europe changed and the Soviet Union and NATO began engaging in talks to reduce tensions, the presence of these emigrant groups in NATO became a point of contention.

The Eastern bloc, led by the Soviet Union, pushed for the disbanding of these companies, viewing them as a threat to their interests. The dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in 1964 marked a significant step in these diplomatic negotiations and the easing of Cold War tensions between East and West Istanbul Day Trips.

The Punitive Labour Camps in Bulgaria

Introduction to Labour Reformation Communes

The establishment of punitive labour camps in Bulgaria was a response to the increasing need for the government to control and punish political opponents. These camps, known as Labour Reformation Communes (LRC), were set up by the Bulgarian government to imprison individuals deemed dangerous to the state. The model for these camps was closely based on the GULAG system in the Soviet Union, which was notorious for its harsh conditions and forced labor.

The Formation of the Camps

On December 20, 1944, the Bulgarian Council of Ministers passed an ordinance that allowed for the creation of these labour camps. The ordinance contradicted Article 73 of the Bulgarian Constitution, which protected individual rights and freedoms. The new law specifically targeted politically dangerous individuals, including anyone who opposed the communist regime or was seen as a threat to the government’s control.

According to Article 1 of this ordinance, individuals considered a threat to national security and order could be forcibly sent to specialized labour camps. These camps were under the strict supervision of the People’s Militia, the official name of the civilian police forces. The government used these camps to detain anyone who was thought to be an enemy of the state, including political dissidents, intellectuals, and anyone suspected of being involved in resistance movements.

The Impact of the Camps

These labour camps were part of the broader repressive measures taken by the Bulgarian communist regime to silence opposition and maintain control over the population. Those who were sent to these camps faced harsh conditions, including forced labor, overcrowding, poor food, and physical abuse. Many individuals were detained without trial or were subjected to unfair trials. The aim was to break the spirit of political opponents and ensure that any form of dissent was eliminated.

While the labour camps were a tool for punishing political opposition, they also served as a reminder of the regime’s power and control. Those who survived these camps often faced lasting psychological and physical trauma, and many families were torn apart by the imprisonment of their loved ones.

The dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in NATO and the establishment of punitive labour camps were both significant aspects of Bulgaria’s political landscape during the communist regime. The dissolution represented a shift in diplomatic relations during the Cold War, while the labour camps reflected the harsh repressive measures used by the government to maintain its hold on power. Both events are important in understanding the ways in which the Bulgarian communist regime sought to control both internal and external threats to its authority.

Bulgarian Political Emigration and Armed Resistance

The Bulgarian political emigration played an important role in the country’s armed resistance during the communist regime. Many Bulgarians who had escaped the country joined various exile groups that aimed to fight against the oppressive government and support the Goriyani movement, a major resistance group in Bulgaria.

Political Emigration’s Support for the Resistance

After the communist regime was established in Bulgaria, many Bulgarians fled the country and crossed the border illegally. These emigrants formed organizations that supported the Bulgarian resistance. In fact, official records from the State Security reveal that in 1955, 52 armed groups from abroad entered Bulgaria to join the Goriyani movement. These groups were organized by the Bulgarian National Committee, which was later renamed the Bulgarian Liberation Movement Private Bosphorus Tours.

Emigrant Organizations in Exile

A number of organizations were created by Bulgarian emigrants to assist the resistance movement. These organizations included a variety of groups with different focuses, all united by the goal of freeing Bulgaria from communist rule. Some of the key emigrant organizations were:

Bulgarian National Committee “Free and Independent Bulgaria”

Bulgarian Liberation Movement

“Free Bulgarians” Union

Bulgarian Human Rights League

Free Bulgarian Centre

Bulgarian Hearth

Provisional Bulgarian Mission

Union of the Bulgarian Anarchists Abroad

Bulgarian Organization “Tsar Simeon”

Bulgarian National Front “Freedom”

Bulgarian National Front “Struggle”

The Bulgarian Social Democratic Party in exile

Union of the Bulgarian Ex-Military in exile

Students’ Organization “Stefan Stambolov”

The Bulgarian Orthodox Church in exile

And many more

These groups organized protests, made connections with other international organizations, and coordinated efforts to weaken the communist regime inside Bulgaria.

The Bulgarian NATO Company

One of the most significant contributions of the Bulgarian political emigration was the formation of the first Bulgarian NATO company in 1951. This company was set up near Zeilsheim, a small town in Germany, not far from Frankfurt am Main. The company was made entirely of Bulgarian political emigrants who had escaped the country and were eager to fight against communism.

The soldiers in the company were all Bulgarians who had managed to escape the communist regime. They joined the company with the hope of defending the free world from the threat of communism, particularly from the Warsaw Pact, and contributing to the eventual liberation of Bulgaria from communist rule. Over the course of its 14 years of existence, about 2,500 Bulgarians joined this company, all committed to the cause of freedom and democracy.

The political emigration of Bulgarians played a crucial role in supporting the armed resistance against the communist regime. Many organizations were formed in exile to help with the resistance efforts, and the Bulgarian NATO company served as an example of the emigrants’ dedication to freeing their homeland. Despite the hardships faced by those who had escaped, they continued to fight for a free and independent Bulgaria.

Armed Goriyani Detachments

During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, several armed Goriyani detachments were formed to fight against the regime. These groups were part of the broader Goriyani resistance movement, which sought to oppose Soviet influence and the communist government. The detachments were mainly located in rural and mountainous regions, where they carried out guerilla warfare and received support from local communities. Below are some of the key Goriyani detachments that operated during the late 1940s and early 1950s:

1. Goriyani Detachment from Godech District (1947)

The Goriyani detachment from the Godech district was set up in 1947 under the leadership of Todor Dimitrov Filipov. This group was part of the larger resistance movement that aimed to fight against the communist regime and the forced collectivization of land.

2. Sixth Pirin Detachment (1947)

The Sixth Pirin Detachment was established at the beginning of 1947 under the leadership of Gerasim Todorov. To increase mobility, the detachment split into two smaller groups. The second detachment was led by Kiril Bengazov. After facing heavy resistance from government forces, the two detachments were eventually defeated. 84 of their members and supporters were arrested, and twelve of them were sentenced to death.

3. Pazardjik District Detachment (Until 1949)

The Pazardjik District Detachment was active until the end of 1949. It was part of a broader resistance network operating in southern Bulgaria, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

4. Pirin Mountain Detachments (1949)

In 1949, three Goriyani detachments were organized in the Pirin mountain region. These detachments were part of a larger effort to establish resistance groups in Bulgaria’s mountainous areas, where guerrilla warfare tactics could be more effectively used.

5. First Sliven Detachment (1950)

The First Sliven Detachment was a well-armed Goriyani group consisting of 28 people. It was led by Penyo Christov Michov and operated in the Sliven region. The detachment was destroyed in mid-November 1950 after facing heavy attacks from government forces.

6. Second Sliven Detachment (1951)

The Second Sliven Detachment was set up in April 1951 and led by Georgi Marinov Turpanov. The detachment grew to around 150 members, including several women. It was active in the Sliven Mountains, but government forces, including regular military troops and internal army units, were sent to the region to destroy the resistance. These forces were under the direct command of Anton Yugov, the Minister of the Interior.

7. Gorjanitcheta “Rilski Bojtzi” (1950)

The “Rilski Bojtzi” detachment was formed in 1950 under the leadership of Nikola Hajdutov. This detachment operated in the districts of Dupnitsa and Gorna Dzhumaya, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

8. Yambol District Detachment (1950)

A Goriyani detachment was formed in the Yambol district in the spring of 1950. The detachment operated in the region for several months, conducting resistance activities against the communist regime.

9. Ruse Detachment (1950)

The Ruse Detachment was created in September 1950 with just 8 members. The group grew to 40 members and gained significant support from local villages in the Ruse district. However, by May-June 1951, the detachment was destroyed by government forces Private Bosphorus Tours.

10. Rila Warriors (1950)

The “Rila Warriors” were established in 1950 under the leadership of Nikola Hajdutov. This detachment was active in the Dupnitsa and Gorna Dzhumaya regions, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

11. Stara Zagora Armed Detachment (1950-1951)

The Stara Zagora Armed Detachment was set up in October 1950. By the end of 1951, the detachment grew to 145 members. It operated in the Stara Zagora region and was part of the wider resistance movement.

12. Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1951)

The Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement was formed in early April 1951, mainly by students from Plovdiv. It was led by Petko Kidikov and had 46 members, including 3 women and several runaway soldiers. In August 1951, the group set up a second detachment under the leadership of Georgi Komitov.

The Goriyani detachments played a significant role in the Bulgarian resistance against the communist regime during the late 1940s and early 1950s. These armed groups, although small in size, carried out crucial resistance activities in various regions of the country. Despite facing brutal repression from the government, the Goriyani detachments remained a symbol of defiance and resilience in the fight for freedom.

The Growth of the Goriyani Resistance Movement

By the end of 1947, peasants made up 47% of those involved in the resistance movement in Bulgaria. This number grew significantly, reaching 70% between 1950 and 1951. After the opposition parties were eliminated, the communist government pushed forward with mass collectivization of land and the nationalization of private urban property. This effort followed the Soviet model closely and contributed to the spread of the Goriyani movement, an armed resistance group that fought against the communist regime.

The Spread of the Goriyani Movement

As the government continued to implement its policies, the Goriyani movement spread across the country. By the 1950s, almost every mountainous region in Bulgaria had active armed Goriyani detachments, supported by large numbers of local people. These resistance groups fought against the oppressive regime and its attempts to control rural life Private Bosphorus Tours.

Government’s Response Internal Military Battalions

The communist regime’s desperate efforts to eliminate the Goriyani resistance led to the creation of internal military battalions. By the end of 1948, the first battalions were formed. By October 1950, the number had increased to 10 battalions. These battalions were stationed in key cities, including Sofia, Plovdiv, Bourgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, Blagoevgrad, and Belogradchik.

The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party issued a decision to reorganize these internal military troops into a division. The number of battalions increased as the need for more troops grew. The mission of these military forces was clear: they were to fight and destroy the Goriyani detachments, and crush the entire resistance movement in Bulgaria.

The Role of the Military and State Security

The internal military forces were trained to operate like the Soviet Union’s internal forces. They were expected to be loyal to the Bulgarian Communist Party to the death. Along with the Bulgarian State Security forces, these battalions were tasked with eliminating the Goriyani resistance. Their goal was to wipe out the resistance and restore the government’s control over the country.

The Goriyani movement was an important chapter in Bulgaria’s resistance to the communist regime. Despite the government’s efforts to crush the movement, it continued to grow and spread, especially in the countryside. The creation of internal military battalions and the deployment of State Security forces demonstrated the regime’s determination to eliminate any form of opposition, including the armed resistance groups that were fighting for freedom.

Communist Resettlement Policies in Bulgaria

Communist Resettlement Policies in Bulgaria (1944–1956)

Between 1944 and 1956, the Bulgarian Communist Party implemented extensive resettlement policies aimed at consolidating power and suppressing opposition. These measures forcibly relocated thousands of families, particularly targeting those deemed hostile to the regime.​

Mass Resettlement from Cities and Border Regions

According to a joint report by the Speaker of the House and the Minister of the Interior, from 9 September 1944 to August 1953, 7,025 families comprising 24,624 individuals were forcibly relocated from major cities and border areas. Specifically, 2,548 families (5,075 individuals) were moved from Sofia, and 4,208 families (18,315 individuals) from border regions and district centers Istanbul Day Trip.​

Reasons for Forced Relocation

The primary reasons for resettlement included:

Relatives of individuals who had fled to the West: 2,397 families (9,739 individuals).

Individuals considered ‘enemies of the people’: 4,359 families (13,651 individuals).

Other unspecified reasons 169 families (1,224 individuals).​

Confidential Ordinance for Further Resettlement

In March 1953, Georgi Tzankov, Minister of the Interior, issued a confidential ordinance targeting families of individuals who had fled or were considered enemies of the regime. The ordinance mandated the identification and internment of these families from cities like Sofia, Bourgas, Varna, Plovdiv, and border regions, confining them to settlements in the interior of the country.​

Renewed Resettlement During the 1956 Hungarian Uprising

The Hungarian Uprising of 1956 prompted the Bulgarian authorities to renew their resettlement policies. In response to perceived threats and to prevent potential uprisings, the regime intensified efforts to relocate individuals and families deemed disloyal or subversive.​

The Bulgarian Communist Party’s resettlement policies were a strategic tool used to eliminate opposition, control populations, and suppress dissent. These actions resulted in significant human suffering and displacement, leaving lasting scars on the affected communities.​

Forced Resettlement of Bulgarian Families

Forced Resettlement of Bulgarian Families (1944–1953)

Background Mass Relocation Under Communist Rule

After the communist coup in Bulgaria on 9 September 1944, the new government began forcibly resettling families considered a threat to the regime. This policy continued for almost a decade, until August 1953. The goal was to remove “unreliable” or “dangerous” individuals from big cities and sensitive areas such as border regions. The authorities believed that these people could not be trusted and might oppose the new socialist order.

Official Numbers and Real Impact

According to a confidential report submitted to the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party by the Speaker of the House and the Minister of the Interior, between 1944 and 1953:

7,025 families were resettled.
This included 24,624 individuals Istanbul Day Trip.

However, even the report admits that the actual numbers may be higher. Many operations were done in secret, and not all were documented fully.

Specific Resettlement Statistics

Here are the key figures provided in the report:
Reason for Resettlement Number of Families Number of People
Relatives of people who escaped to the West (“renegades”) 2,397 9,739
People considered “enemies of the state” or a threat if living in large cities or border areas 4,359 13,651
Other reasons 169 1,224
Total 7,025 24,624
In Sofia alone, 2,548 families (5,075 people) were resettled. From border regions and district centers, 4,208 families (18,315 people) were forced to move.

Secret Orders from the Ministry of the Interior

In March 1953, Georgi Tzankov, the then Minister of the Interior, issued a strictly confidential directive. His order was aimed at further “cleansing” of the cities and border zones:

“To cleanse big cities and border areas from hostile individuals and to break their contact with those who have escaped to the West, I order preparations for the resettlement of their families.”

The directive named specific cities:

Sofia
Plovdiv
Bourgas

Stalin (now Varna)
Local Ministry officers were instructed to:
Identify all family members of “renegades” and “non-returners”
Propose their internment (forced relocation) by 20 March 1953
The Human Cost of Political Fear

These forced relocations were part of a larger campaign of political oppression. People were punished not for crimes they had committed, but simply for being related to someone who had fled the country, or for being considered a threat by the communist government. Those who were resettled often lost their homes, jobs, and access to education or healthcare. They were placed under constant surveillance, and forbidden to leave their new, often poorer, communities.

The Bulgarian Communist regime used forced resettlement as a powerful tool to silence dissent, isolate “unreliable” citizens, and maintain total control. Thousands of innocent people—entire families—were torn from their homes, stigmatized, and sent to live in isolation simply because of who they were or who they were related to. This dark chapter in Bulgarian history is a reminder of the harsh reality of totalitarian rule, where fear and suspicion replaced justice and freedom.

Secret Surveillance of Religious Groups

During the Communist regime in Bulgaria, the State Security Service (known as the DS) was responsible for suppressing opposition. A special division within it, called Department One, was tasked with the “struggle against counter-revolution.” This department had a separate section known as “Clergy and Sects.” Its job was to carry out secret operations against religious institutions and believers.

The main targets were:

The Bulgarian Orthodox Church

The Catholic Church

Protestant denominations

In 1949, this section of State Security conducted:

20 active covert operations

24 preliminary investigations

240 surveillance missions

These operations were carried out by 339 agents, whose task was to spy on, intimidate, or manipulate religious leaders and believers Istanbul Day Trip.

Growing Persecution Over Time

By 1981, religious surveillance had expanded. Out of 5,000 agents working for Department Six of the State Security, 278 were specifically focused on religious groups. Their job was to monitor, control, and sometimes destroy the influence of churches and religious movements.

By 1989, the final year of communist rule in Bulgaria, that number had more than doubled. This shows how seriously the regime viewed religion as a threat to its control. They feared that faith could give people strength to resist the government.

Forcible Resettlement of Citizens

Another method used by the Communist regime to control people was forcible resettlement. Citizens who were seen as a danger to the state were expelled from big cities and forced to live in remote villages or isolated towns.

Those affected by this policy included:

Former military officers

Intellectuals

Lawyers

Business owners

Industrialists

People living in border regions or capital cities

Anyone the regime viewed as “unreliable” or opposed to communism

Once resettled, these people were not allowed to leave their new assigned locations. They had to report regularly to the local police and were often denied access to good jobs, schools, or even food supplies. The goal was to punish and isolate them from society.

The Regime’s Fear of Influence

These actions reveal a deep fear within the communist leadership. Religious faith, free speech, education, and independent thought were seen as threats to their rule. Rather than allow people to live freely, the regime used spying, punishment, and intimidation to control the population.

Between surveillance of religious leaders and forced relocations, the Bulgarian Communist regime worked hard to eliminate dissent and suppress personal freedom. Churches, intellectuals, and anyone who didn’t fit the regime’s ideal were carefully watched or removed from society. These tactics left a deep impact on Bulgarian culture and memory—one that still resonates today.

Communist Repression of Religion in Bulgaria

The Deadly Attack on Sveta Nedelya Cathedral

One of the most shocking examples of the Communist Party’s attitude toward religion happened on 16 April 1925. On that day, a bomb exploded inside Sveta Nedelya Cathedral in Sofia. The cathedral was packed with people attending a funeral service. The explosion killed 213 people and injured over 500 men, women, and children. It was a brutal act carried out by communists to eliminate members of the Bulgarian government and military leadership.

Religious Leaders Executed After the Communist Coup

After the communist coup on 9 September 1944, the new regime began a violent purge of anyone considered a threat—including religious leaders. Many priests were killed without trial, simply for preaching or performing religious services. More than 100 Christian Orthodox priests were executed during these early days Istanbul Day Trip.

Other religious figures also fell victim to the regime’s persecution. Among the murdered were:
Rabbi Isaac B. Levi (Jewish)
Muslim cleric Mohamed Rashidov
Armenian-Gregorian priest Garabed S. Karadzhiyan
Protestant pastor Stephan Todorov
Their only crime was being faithful to their beliefs and traditions.

The Religion Act of 1949

On 16 February 1949, the Communist government passed a new Religion Act, modeled after Soviet laws. This Act placed strict control over all religious organizations. It included:

Banning religious services outside church buildings

Confiscating church property

Prohibiting religious education and activities

Even private individuals were punished for their faith. Students were expelled from school for attending church services. Government employees risked losing their jobs if they were seen in a church.

The Trial of Protestant Pastors

From 25 February to 9 March 1949, the regime conducted a staged trial against 15 Protestant pastors. The charges were false, and the trial was heavily publicized to scare others. Four of the pastors were sentenced to life in prison, even though they had committed no real crimes.

Execution of Catholic Clergy

On 11 November 1952, at 11:30 PM, four Catholic religious leaders were executed by firing squad in Sofia Central Prison. Those killed were:

Father Kamen Vichev

Father Pavel Dzhidzhov

Father Yosafat Shishkov

Bishop Evgeni Bosilkov, a Bulgarian Passionist and Catholic bishop

They had all been sentenced to death in unfair trials. Their executions shocked the international community and remain a tragic moment in Bulgarian religious history.

Forced Name Changes for Muslims

In 1984, the Bulgarian Communist Party began a forced assimilation campaign targeting Bulgarian Muslims. The government forced Muslim citizens to change their names to Slavic ones, erasing their religious and cultural identity. This campaign caused deep pain and resentment among Muslim communities.

Religious Leaders Turned Into Informants

Alongside public repression, the Bulgarian secret police worked behind the scenes. They pressured and sometimes blackmailed religious leaders into becoming informers. These clergy members were forced to report on their fellow believers, creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust within religious communities.

Under the communist regime, freedom of religion in Bulgaria was almost completely destroyed. Religious leaders were persecuted, imprisoned, or executed. Believers were silenced and humiliated. Churches were stripped of their property, and religious practices were driven underground. The government’s goal was not just to control religion, but to erase it from Bulgarian life. Despite these efforts, many people quietly kept their faith alive, showing incredible courage in the face of fear.

Complete State Control Over Banking

On 25 December 1947, the Bulgarian government passed a new law that gave the state complete control over the banking system. As a result of this law, 31 Bulgarian and foreign banks were nationalized—meaning they were taken over by the government.

This marked the end of the market economy in Bulgaria. From this point on, the country moved to a centrally planned system, where all economic activities were controlled by the Communist Party. Private entrepreneurship was no longer allowed, and management of all businesses was handed over to party officials, many of whom had no experience in running businesses.

No Private Businesses Left

After this transformation, not a single private business remained in Bulgaria. There were no privately owned shops, factories, workshops, or even small craft studios. The state owned and controlled everything Istanbul Day Trip.

Even urban homes and apartments were not safe from expropriation. In 1948, special housing committees were formed by local governments to take over homes from wealthier citizens. These homes were often used to house party functionaries, clerks, and newcomers from rural areas who supported the communist regime.

Many homes were also given to the relatives of victims of political purges—people labeled as “enemies of the people,” many of whom had been executed, imprisoned, or sent to forced labor camps.

Law on Urban Property and Personal Confiscation

The Urban House Property Bill, passed in the late 1940s, allowed for the full or partial confiscation of properties such as:

Houses
Apartments
Villas
Offices

Citizens with larger or more valuable properties were targeted. Their wealth was considered “unjust” or “dangerous” to the goals of socialism. They were often forced to share their homes or give up part of their living space to strangers loyal to the regime.

The government used propaganda to justify these actions, claiming it was done for the benefit of the people. However, the real goal was to weaken the influence of the former middle and upper classes and punish opposition.

Economic Burden and Hidden Costs

Although these nationalizations and confiscations were presented as victories for socialism, they came at a huge cost. The government had to spend millions to maintain the newly nationalized businesses and homes. Often, these enterprises became inefficient, poorly managed, and unproductive, as they were now controlled by unqualified party members.

Even Communist Party documents later admitted that only a small percentage of the wealth taken from citizens actually helped the economy. Most of it was lost due to poor planning and corruption.

Religious Persecution

Alongside the economic and political changes, the communist regime also launched a campaign against the church. Following Karl Marx’s belief that “religion is the opium of the people,” the government sought to limit the influence of religious institutions. Churches were closely monitored, many were shut down, and religious leaders were often arrested, harassed, or forced to conform to state-approved teachings.

A Country Under Total State Control

By the end of the 1940s, Bulgaria had become a fully controlled socialist state, with no private property, no free business activity, and limited personal freedoms. The government owned everything, from banks to homes, and even tried to control people’s beliefs. What was presented as progress was, in reality, a period of hardship, fear, and repression for many Bulgarian citizens.

Nationalization of Private Businesses in Bulgaria

The Beginning of Nationalization

On 18 December 1947, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved a draft bill to nationalize all private industrial and mining enterprises. Just five days later, on 23 December 1947, the Grand National Assembly officially passed the bill, making it law.

This law marked the beginning of one of the most dramatic economic transformations in Bulgarian history. It allowed the state to take ownership of businesses in key industries such as:

Metalworking

Mining

Textiles

Construction

Chemicals

Food production, including breweries, dairies, and vegetable oil factories

The law also gave the government control over the financial resources of these businesses, including bank deposits, accounts, and all assets Istanbul Tours Guide.

Secret Preparation and Swift Action

Even before the bill was officially passed, preparations were underway in complete secrecy. On 22 December 1947, one day before the law was approved, communist officials began confiscating private businesses.

The process was simple and intimidating. Business owners were suddenly visited by representatives of the Communist Party. These officials demanded:

The keys to the business owner’s office and safe

A signed statement handing over the business to the “people’s government”

After signing, the owner was told to collect his coat and leave. That was the end of his role in the company he had likely spent his life building.

Immediately afterward, factory loudspeakers announced to workers that the Communist Party and state authorities had officially taken over the business. This public declaration was meant to show that the government was now fully in charge.

Loss of Property and Personal Freedom

Nationalization didn’t just affect the businesses. It also took a heavy toll on the lives of business owners. In addition to losing their companies, many had their personal property taken away, including:

Homes

Jewelry

Cars

Bank accounts

They were removed from all leadership roles and positions of influence in industry, banking, and trade. Many families were left with nothing, as both their professional careers and private lives were destroyed.

The Goal of Nationalization

The official reason for nationalization was to create a “people’s economy”—one where all means of production belonged to the state and served the interests of the working class. The Communist Party claimed that this was a necessary step to move from a capitalist to a socialist economy.

However, for many people, it meant the end of personal freedom, the destruction of private enterprise, and the beginning of a life under constant government control and surveillance.

The nationalization law of December 1947 was a turning point for Bulgaria. It wiped out private ownership in key sectors overnight and changed the country’s economic structure completely. While the Communist Party celebrated it as progress, for thousands of business owners and their families, it was the beginning of hardship, loss, and a new life without the rights they once had.

Abandoned Villages and the Rise of Socialist Art

As a result of forced collectivization and economic control, many villages began to lose their populations. Young people moved to cities in search of jobs or simply to escape the harsh conditions in rural areas. Photos from this period show many abandoned village houses—a powerful image of the disruption caused by government policies.

At the same time, socialist realism art was promoted to show leaders like Vulko Chervenkov as heroic figures. This type of art was meant to inspire loyalty to the Communist Party and glorify state power, even while people’s everyday lives were becoming more difficult.

Expropriation of Private Property in Industry, Trade, and Banking

In addition to farming, the communist regime also targeted industry, trade, and banking. In spring 1946, the Bulgarian Communist Party began a campaign to support the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” This meant removing private ownership from all parts of the economy Istanbul Tours Guide.

On 8 September 1946, the government passed the Confiscation of Property Act. According to Article 1, all property—land, buildings, money, and even shares—that had been acquired since 1935 could be taken by the state. The law described any form of private business as “profiteering,” and thus illegal.

The goal was to destroy the financial power of people the regime saw as enemies. As Alexander Girginov of the Democratic Party said, the law was used to economically eliminate those not loyal to the government.

Nationalization A Soviet-Style Economy

By the end of 1947, Bulgaria had become a single-party state, closely modeled after the Soviet Union. Private businesses, industries, and banks were nationalized. This was described by Georgi Dimitrov, Communist Party leader and head of the Comintern, as one of the most important steps in turning capitalism into socialism.

From agriculture to industry, the Bulgarian Communist Party reshaped the entire economy and society, often through force, fear, and strict control.

Village Council Labels Farmers as Enemies of the People

On 27 November 1950, the Village Council of Yablanitsa, a town in the Teteven district of Bulgaria, issued Ordinance No. 102. Based on a decision by the local branch of the Bulgarian Communist Party, the council publicly declared several villagers to be “kulaks” and “enemies of the people.”

The list included:

Dimiter Mikov Markov and his sons Dako Nejkov Jakimov Dako Vutkov and his sons

These individuals were now officially cut off from public life in the village. According to the ordinance:

They were banned from using village services.

They were not allowed to enter restaurants or pubs.

They could not buy anything from village shops—except salt.

Any disobedience would be punished severely.

The order was signed by the Village Council Chairman, Ivan Tsanov Ivanov, and posted publicly to ensure everyone in the village knew about it. Copies were also given to shop and restaurant staff to enforce the bans Istanbul Tours Guide.

From Landowners to Laborers

This was not an isolated case. Across Bulgaria, thousands of similar orders were issued. The goal was to target wealthier peasants—those who owned more land or livestock—because they were seen as a threat to the new communist system. These so-called “kulaks” were stripped of their rights, homes, and property.

For centuries, Bulgarian peasants had owned their own land and animals, supporting their families through farming. But under communist rule, they lost almost everything. Their land was taken by the state, and they were forced to work on large, state-run collective farms known as kolkhozes, modeled after the Soviet system.

Bulgaria’s Farming Tradition Disrupted

Before communism took full control in 1944, Bulgaria already had experience with co-operative farming. In fact, by 1935, the country had over 1,200 co-operative farms—voluntary groups where farmers worked together but still owned their land.

However, after 9 September 1944, when the communist regime took power, these co-ops were dismantled. Instead, the government forced people into collective farms, where they had no ownership and no say in how the farms were run. These farms were managed by local Communist Party activists, not experienced farmers.

The Damage to Rural Bulgaria

By the late 1950s, private farming in Bulgaria was completely eliminated. Almost all agricultural land was now part of the collective system. Bulgaria, once a country of small farmers with strong traditions, had been transformed.

This shift caused major social and economic problems:

Families lost their land, homes, and independence.

Many young people left the countryside, causing a decline in rural populations.

The quality of farming decreased, as motivation and care declined without private ownership.

Traditional village life was destroyed, replaced by strict control and fear.

The collectivization of agriculture in Bulgaria was not just a change in farming—it was a complete transformation of rural life. The case of the Yablanitsa villagers shows how harsh and personal this process could be. People who had once been respected landowners were suddenly branded enemies, punished, and erased from community life. The long-term effects of this policy still echo in Bulgarian society today.

America Refuses to Recognize Bulgarian Elections

In 1947, the Bulgarian newspaper Zname, which was linked to the Democratic Party, published a strong message:

“America will not recognize the elections for a constituent assembly or the current government.”

This statement reflects the political tension between the West and the pro-Soviet regime in Bulgaria. After World War II, Bulgaria fell under Soviet influence, and the democratic world, especially the United States, did not accept the new communist-controlled government as legitimate.

Traditional Bulgarian Farming Before Communism

Before 1944, farming in Bulgaria was mostly done on small or medium-sized private farms. Almost every peasant family owned some land. According to data from 1946, about 57.9% of farmers owned between 12.5 and 50 acres of land, while only 3.9% had between 50 and 125 acres. Large landowners were extremely rare.

Here is a breakdown of Bulgarian farms in the 1930s based on their size:

Farm Size (acres) % of All Farms Type of Farm

Up to 2.5 11.78% Very small

2.5 to 5 12.31% Very small

5 to 12.5 32.86% Small

12.5 to 25 28.13% Medium

25 to 75 14.30% Large

More than 75 0.67% Very large (rare)

Brutal Collectivization Begins

In April 1945, the new communist government known as the Fatherland Front passed a law to begin creating collective farms. These collective farms were owned and managed by the state, not by individual families. The government forced peasants to give up their land, animals, and farming tools.

This process of collectivization was not peaceful. Many peasants were physically attacked, threatened, or even killed if they refused to give up their property. Farmers lost not only their land but also their oxen, horses, cows, sheep, and equipment like ploughs and tractors Istanbul Tours Guide.

Soviet Influence and Class Struggle

On July 12–13, 1948, the Bulgarian Communist Party held a meeting and officially decided to follow the Soviet economic model. This meant a stronger push for collectivization and a harsh campaign against the so-called kulaks—wealthier peasants who owned more land or livestock.

From 1950 to 1954, this class struggle became especially intense. The government used fear and violence to pressure farmers into joining collective farms.

By 1958: Nearly All Land Was Taken

By 1958, 92% of Bulgaria’s arable land had been turned into collective farms. This shift affected 93% of all farming households in the country. What had once been a land of independent farmers had been transformed into a state-controlled farming system, following the Soviet model.

The forced collectivization of Bulgarian agriculture is one of the darkest periods in the country’s post-war history. Peasants lost their land, their independence, and often their dignity. Driven by Soviet ideology, the Bulgarian Communist Party reshaped rural life through fear and control, leaving long-lasting scars on the countryside and its people.

Fear and Control Bulgria Under Soviet Influence

On January 2, 1959, British Ambassador to Bulgaria, Anthony Lambert, wrote a report that clearly expressed the tense situation in the country. He said, “One cannot help feeling that the shadow of fear and Moscow’s hand of death are hanging over each and every Bulgarian, not excluding the communist leaders.” This statement captured the strong influence of the Soviet Union over Bulgaria, even among those in power.

Bulgaria Copies the Soviet Model

Even after the death of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in 1953, Bulgaria’s Communist leaders continued to follow the Soviet system closely. The Bulgarian Communist Party said it was moving away from Stalin’s personality cult, but in reality, little changed. Leaders still showed great loyalty to the Soviet Union and copied its style of governance Istanbul Tours Guide.

Zhivkov’s Extreme Proposal

One of the most shocking events happened in July 1963. Todor Zhivkov, who was the First Secretary of the Bulgarian Communist Party at the time, made a bold move. He proposed that Bulgaria should officially become part of the Soviet Union. He brought this idea to a plenary meeting of the party’s Central Committee, which included the top members of the Communist Party.

Surprisingly, all 167 members of the Central Committee supported the idea. They voted in favor of Bulgaria joining the Soviet Union, showing just how deeply committed the leadership was to the Soviet cause.

Khrushchev Is Informed

In October 1963, Zhivkov traveled to Moscow and told Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev about the proposal. He said that the Bulgarian Communist Party had already discussed the idea and agreed to it. This showed how far Bulgaria’s leaders were willing to go to stay close to the Soviet Union, even if it meant giving up their country’s independence.

A Nation Under Influence

During this period, propaganda was heavily used to support the Soviet-controlled regime in Bulgaria. Posters, media, and speeches constantly promoted the idea that following the Soviet Union was the only path to progress. The Bulgarian people lived under a system that demanded loyalty, punished dissent, and pushed Soviet ideals above national identity.

The events of the early 1960s show how deeply the Soviet Union influenced Bulgaria. Even after Stalin’s death, fear and control remained strong. Todor Zhivkov’s proposal to join the Soviet Union highlights how the Bulgarian Communist leadership placed ideology above national sovereignty. It was a time when independence was traded for loyalty, and the future of Bulgaria was tied tightly to Moscow’s decisions.